By Sajid Masood Sadiq Nizami
At the time of Pakistan’s partition, when a journalist asked the founder of Pakistan, Quaid-e-Azam, what Pakistan’s constitution would be, he immediately replied: “When the Quran is present, what need is there for any other constitution?”
According to the vision of the founder of Pakistan, the country was meant to become an “Islamic, democratic, moderate and welfare state.” But the state of public welfare in Pakistan today, and the fate of the ideology of Pakistan, prompted Indian thinker Faisal Devji to mock in his book Muslim Zion: Pakistan as a Political Idea that “Pakistan appears less like a fortress of Islam and more like its mausoleum.”
There is no doubt that the constitution of any country is not a “heavenly scripture” that cannot be changed. But a constitution should at least be capable of reflecting and representing public aspirations and fulfilling public needs.
Since its approval, Pakistan’s constitution has mostly gone through changes made either to support the liberal world order and international politics or to benefit so-called public representatives. In all this, what did the country and the people actually receive?
The constitution given to the country in 1973 under Bhutto’s leadership had a particular background. At that time, the wound of Pakistan’s breakup was fresh, the armed forces were demoralized, and public anger against President Ayub and General Yahya was widespread. Because of the American role in the tragedy of 1971, the Pakistani mood was anti-America and anti-military. These were the specific circumstances in which Pakistan’s constitution was framed.
But since then, dozens of constitutional changes that gradually distorted Pakistan’s ideology and turned it into a permanent client of the “IMF and Western world order” were quietly passed. Meanwhile, the constitutional debate over an “empowered president or empowered prime minister” has become a symbol of tension between the military and political leadership.
Today, once again, the echo of constitutional change regarding the powers of the president and prime minister, the balance of authority between provinces and the centre, and the creation of more provinces has become the subject of discussion in every political and private gathering. The people of Pakistan have no concern with these constitutional changes. Their demand is for the rights already written in the Constitution of Pakistan.
After all, what effect does the game of creating more provinces, placing powers with the president or prime minister, and strengthening the centre or provinces have on the country and the people?
The constitutional change concerning an “empowered president or empowered prime minister” has a historical background. One end of it is linked to a specific global political environment, India’s continuous militarism against Pakistan, and tensions between civil and military leaders in Pakistan. The other end is tied to Pakistan’s survival, security and public welfare.
The constitutional changes made in the name of bad governance, corruption and accountability — or the procedures written for them — were never implemented. The basic reason is that the very looters who plundered the country are the creators of this constitution and the ones responsible for implementing it.
Today, the miserable condition of the people screams:
“On whose hands should I search for my blood?
The entire city is wearing gloves.”
The people have no interest in the 78-year-old debate over an empowered president under the American model or an empowered parliament and prime minister under the British style of government.
From the era of President Ayub, when Pakistan left the Non-Aligned Movement and entered the Western bloc, until today, Pakistan and its leadership have become so captive to Westernization that the imprint of “pro-Westernism and the liberal world order” is clearly visible on all Pakistani policies.
Islam is mentioned in the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, but the law is unable to enforce even a single Islamic value in society. Instead, it actively promotes an anti-Islamic environment.
As a permanent client state of the Western liberal world order, Pakistan’s internal, external, economic and security policies remain under the shadow of international politics, which has ruined the Pakistani people. The people are gasping for survival, while rulers, their families and businesses continue to expand. The people are crying out, while rulers enjoy themselves on public tax money and keep smiling.
During President Asif Ali Zardari’s tenure, constitutional changes gave provinces wide-ranging autonomy, and powers were transferred to parliament and the prime minister. A major political drumbeat was also made over it.
The question is: could a PPP prime minister even cough without the approval of the central leadership?
In fact, that change created several new problems. The centre became weak, and the system of revenue collection and distribution became complicated. Similarly, the crackdown by central institutions on administrative incompetence, governance failures and corruption was affected.
When important sectors such as education and health went to the provinces, provincial bad governance and administrative incompetence made the already weak structure even worse. Because federal and provincial policies lacked uniformity, political and administrative clashes began, further increasing existing weaknesses in national institutions.
Instead of national unity, hereditary and personality-based politics and the preference of personal interest over national interest further increased political tension between the centre and the provinces.
This question is also important: why are political parties allergic to a presidential system and the creation of more provinces?
Political parties obtain votes by appeasing the people with monthly stipends. The people need jobs and businesses, not stipends, soup kitchens, orphanages and shelters.
Today, Pakistan’s finance minister, prime minister and president wear suits and beg from the IMF, while more than half the nation stands with begging bowls in the country’s streets and squares.
Today, Pakistan’s military power is at its peak, but its economic condition lies in the deepest depths of decline. The people have the right to vote for whichever party they want, but who will question the heads of these parties about the condition of the people?
There is no more room for the exploitation of the people through this “political tyranny.” Pakistan’s survival lies in taking it out of the “security state” framework and turning it into a true welfare Islamic state that reflects the aspirations of the people.
It is a fact that through a presidential system — with technocrat and qualified ministers and experts — and by creating more provinces, governance can be improved through genuine public representative leadership. Administrative weaknesses can also be controlled more easily than under a strong parliamentary and prime ministerial system.
The basic reason is that until the political umbrella is removed from the heads of corruption tycoons, the exploitation of the people will continue.
Which national institution or asset of Pakistan is not mortgaged today to international financial institutions? The earnings of the people are eaten jointly by the elite and global financial institutions.
Until corruption and corrupt elements are strangled, and until the incompetent and corrupt state machinery is dissected, whether the governance system is parliamentary or presidential, the country and the people will gain nothing.
At this time, instead of trapping the people in the gimmicks of constitutional change, the political leadership needs to focus on their rights and the country’s economic collapse.