By Shahzia Ashraf
They say the chinar trees remember what human minds forget. Each autumn, as the leaves turn the color of dried blood, they shed their burden in silence—millions of tiny witnesses to a betrayal that has no name in any language but Kashmiri. On 27 October 1947, when the first Dakota aircraft disgorged its cargo of Indian soldiers onto Srinagar’s tarmac, the earth itself cracked open. Not with earthquake or thunder, but with the quieter violence of broken promises. The chinars, those ancient sentinels of the valley, began their annual weeping that year—not from seasonal change, but from the weight of what they witnessed.
The maharaja’s controversial signature on the Instrument of Accession was a death warrant disguised as a treaty. Hari Singh, whose authority had already dissolved like snow in April rain, pressed his seal to paper while his subjects rose in revolt against his tyranny. The document itself, a masterpiece of colonial legalism, contained within its clauses the seeds of its own betrayal. “Determined by the will of the people,” it promised. But whose will? The will of those who had already liberated vast swathes of territory? Or the will of a monarch who had already fled his capital in terror?
The answer came in the form of bayonets and bureaucracy. Within hours of the landing, Kashmir transformed from sovereign dispute to occupied territory. Sheikh Abdullah, once the firebrand who rallied thousands with cries of “Quit Kashmir,” metamorphosed into Delhi’s chosen administrator. His transformation was as rapid as it was tragic—from lion to lapdog in the span of a plane ride. But even this arrangement proved too democratic for India’s designs. By 1953, the same Sheikh who had sold Kashmir’s autonomy for a prime Minster chair found himself in the same jails where he once confined his political opponents.
Thus began the great Kashmiri tradition of leadership as martyrdom. Every voice that rose to demand the promised referendum, whether the velvet tones of Mirwaiz Farooq or Abdul Ghanie Lone , Sheikh Abdul Aziz to the iron resolve of Syed Ali Geelani, met the same fate. Imprisonment, exile, assassination: a holy trinity of statecraft. The message, broadcast through blood and barbed wire, was unambiguous: Kashmir would speak only when spoken to, and only in the language Delhi prescribed.
The numbers tell their own obscene story. Nine hundred thousand soldiers, roughly one for every eight Kashmiris, transform the valley into an open-air prison. AFSPA, that colonial relic reborn, grants these soldiers the power to kill on suspicion, to disappear without trace, to rape with impunity. The statistics of atrocity blur into abstraction: 8,000 enforced disappearances, 2,730 unmarked graves, countless Kunan-Poshporas. Each number represents a universe of grief, a mother who still sets an extra plate at dinner, a wife who still applies henna as if her wedding day might return, a child who still scans crowds for a father’s face.
But occupation is not merely a matter of boots and bullets. It colonizes language itself. In school textbooks, Kashmir’s history begins in 1947. In census forms, identity becomes a weapon of demographic warfare. The 2020 domicile rules—India’s answer to Israel’s settlement project—invite outsiders to claim what generations of Kashmiris have bled to protect. Internet shutdowns, the longest in any democracy’s history, transform the valley into a black hole where information enters but cannot escape. While the world watches through Delhi’s carefully curated lens, Kashmiris disappear into digital darkness.
The ballot box, that sacred cow of democracy, has been slaughtered and stuffed to serve as Delhi’s ventriloquist dummy. From the rigged elections of 1987—which birthed the armed struggle as surely as night follows day—to the post-2019 panchayat polls conducted from behind concertina wire and mass detention, voting has become an act of state theatre. The turnout percentages that India parades before international audiences are extracted at gunpoint, through boycott fatigue, in the absence of any neutral political space. They are not expressions of popular will but photographs of coercion.
Occupation is a joint venture. The United Nations’ own resolutions—once flamboyant charters of self-determination—now moulder in climate-controlled vaults, their commas and semicolons embalmed by decades of studied neglect. Meanwhile, Delhi’s ascendant Hindutva regime has turned Kashmir into a laboratory for majoritarian terror, confident that no gavel will fall, no resolution will rise. Washington’s price for silence is embarrassingly small: a defence contract here, a semiconductor plant there; the State Department’s “concern” lasts exactly forty-seven words. while Kashmiri funeral processions lengthen. E Pakistan remains the last self-declared lifeline; despite its own problems Pakistan continues its support to Kashmir’s struggle for self determination.
Yet beneath this weight of history and horror, resistance persists like grass through concrete. It shape-shifts across generations, adapting but never surrendering. The stone-pelters of 2008-10 inherit the mantle from the martyrs of 1931. The graffiti that appears overnight—“Go India, Go Back”—speaks the same language as the mass funeral processions of 2016. Every teenage girl who marches toward the UN office despite pellet guns keeps alive the promise that was broken on 27 October. Every baker who defies curfew to keep his shop open performs an act of civil resistance. Every mother who searches morgues for a son disappeared decades ago refuses to let occupation write the final chapter.
The chinar trees continue their annual ritual, but now their leaves fall on soil enriched by unmarked graves. Each autumn brings a fresh crop of gold and crimson, each leaf a tiny testament to unfinished mourning. Until the promise of that plebiscite—made in bad faith but recorded in black and white—is redeemed, 27 October remains not history but wound. Not memory but prophecy. Every Kashmiri heartbeat becomes an act of resistance against the original sin of occupation. And the crimson continues to weep.
Writer is a research associate at Kashmir Institute of International Relations and can be reached at shaziahkhawaja@gmail.com